Rick Scott's Plutocratic Plans for Public Hospitals

Categories: Politics
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Gov. Rick Scott fired a warning shot yesterday and ignited what seems like just one Floridian battle in the national war on public institutions.

Whether it's congressmen feuding over federal funds for National Public Radio and Planned Parenthood or state leaders stripping unions of collective bargaining rights, a fierce anti-public sentiment has spastically pervaded the GOP and many right-wing supporters. As our own Leslie Minora reported earlier, Scott took the fight to public hospitals yesterday when he ordered a study to examine the possible abolition of government-owned hospitals in Florida.         


Scott seemed subtly hostile toward public hospitals even before he took the oath of office in January. In December, his health care transition team issued a report that questioned if government should be in the business of providing hospital services to people who can't afford to pay.

Now, a commission appointed by Scott will conduct a study on whether the state could save money if privately owned hospitals began caring for all the uninsured and poor people, a burden usually shouldered by public hospitals.

And with those poorer patients would come that bigger chunk of tax dollars, which Scott fought for to no avail when he ran a hospital company that defrauded the federal government out of almost $2 billion. Broward County alone collects $200 million in local property taxes to run its nine hospitals, according to the Sun-Sentinel. If these measly public hospitals weren't hogging all the tax dollars, maybe Scott's company wouldn't have had to rob Medicare blind.

But as governor, the former corporate hospital executive can use formalities, such as "reports" and "studies," in pursuit of his goal to secure more tax dollars for privately run hospitals. The December report came from his health care transition team, conveniently headed by fallen Broward politico Alan Levine, who is currently the senior vice president of another private hospital chain.

Did anyone really think that was an "independent" report? Does anyone doubt a conclusion favoring private hospitals in this next study?

Florida is a big place, and some counties may benefit more from private hospitals than from government-owned facilities. But to search for a blanket approach displays ideological obduracy bordering on plutocratic deviousness.

While Scott's commission "studies" the virtues of private hospitals and pitfalls of public ones, some Floridians will be studying whatever incentives may sacrifice the study's independence. 
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12 comments
Randi Krotch
Randi Krotch

Love the way some bozo journalist suddenly decides he's an expert on our totally dysfunctional health care system.Why the next thing you know, Cohen will start pontificating on the impact of dollar as form of fiat currency versus the stability of the international monetary system..

Fat Hand
Fat Hand

Virgil, have you ever considered that people take others more seriously when they refrain from name-calling, and especially the terms fascist/Nazi? You help prove Godwin's Law almost immediately on these comment threads. While there are plenty of reasons that make Rick Scott my least favorite governor ever after just a few months, I remain unconvinced that he is, in fact, a fascist. Although I am no expert in the tenets of national socialism or any other brand of fascism, I do not put Rick Scott in that category.

But if you just mean you don't like him, I guess continue as you do.

Virgil Starkwell
Virgil Starkwell

I'm always amazed at the number of highly intelligent people who don't have a good understanding of fascism.

Do you know what the Italians used to call it? "Estato corporativo", aka the corporatist state. The merger of corporate and state power.

Guest
Guest

You sound like a pseudo-intellectual retard. Fat-Hand made a valid point in a civil manner, and you retort with a back-handed complement. Your comments are no more informative than those that rant about "libtards and socialists" and you are far less informed than you think.

Corporatist state doesn't mean everything in the hands of private business with no social safety. It's essentially making the state in complete control of all economics and was expressly AGAINST big business interests as exhibited by our modern day examples of Exxon-mobil, Haliburton, or even a little company called HCA.

Here. Educate yourself.

Economic policiesFurther information: Economics of fascism

Fascists promoted their ideology as a "Third Position" between capitalism and Bolshevism.[179] Italian Fascism involved corporatism, a political system in which the economy is collectively managed by employers, workers, and state officials by formal mechanisms at the national level.[180] Fascists advocated a new national class-based economic system, variously termed "national corporatism", "national socialism" or "national syndicalism".[26] The common aim of all fascist movements was elimination of the autonomy or, in some cases, the existence of large-scale capitalism.[181]

Fascist governments exercised control over private property but did not nationalize it.[182] They pursued economic policies to strengthen state power and spread ideology, such as consolidating trade unions to be state- or party-controlled.[183] Attempts were made by both Fascist Italy and Nazi Germany to establish "autarky" (self-sufficiency) through significant economic planning, but neither achieved economic self-sufficiency.[184]

[edit] National corporatism, socialism and syndicalismFascists supported the unifying of proletarian workers to their cause along corporatistic, socialistic, or syndicalistic lines, promoting the creation of a strong proletarian nation, but not a proletarian class.[185] Italian Fascism's economy was based on corporatism, and a number of other fascist movements similarly promoted corporatism. Oswald Mosley of the British Union of Fascists, describing fascist corporatism, said that "it means a nation organized as the human body, with each organ performing its individual function but working in harmony with the whole".[186] Fascists were not hostile to the petit-bourgeoisie or to small businesses, and they promised these groups, alongside the proletariat, protection from the upper-class bourgeoisie, big business, and Marxism. The promotion of these groups is the source of the term "extremism of the centre" to describe fascism.[187]

Virgil Starkwell
Virgil Starkwell

We can argue until we are blue in the face, but the bottom line is we are obviously on the same side of the overall issues, but you have yet to recognize and identify the imminent danger we are in from a movement that is clearly fascist.

Laurence Britt's paper on this subject is considered the gold standard by many "pseudo-intellectuals".

"The cliché that people and nations learn from history is not only overused, but also overestimated; often we fail to learn from history, or draw the wrong conclusions. Sadly, historical amnesia is the norm. We are two-and-a-half generations removed from the horrors of Nazi Germany, although constant reminders jog the consciousness. German and Italian fascism form the historical models that define this twisted political worldview. Although they no longer exist, this worldview and the characteristics of these models have been imitated by protofascist1 regimes at various times in the twentieth century. Both the original German and Italian models and the later protofascist regimes show remarkably similar characteristics. Although many scholars question any direct connection among these regimes, few can dispute their visual similarities.

Beyond the visual, even a cursory study of these fascist and protofascist regimes reveals the absolutely striking convergence of their modus operandi. This, of course, is not a revelation to the informed political observer, but it is sometimes useful in the interests of perspective to restate obvious facts and in so doing shed needed light on current circumstances.

For the purpose of this perspective, I will consider the following regimes: Nazi Germany, Fascist Italy, Franco’s Spain, Salazar’s Portugal, Papadopoulos’s Greece, Pinochet’s Chile, and Suharto’s Indonesia. To be sure, they constitute a mixed bag of national identities, cultures, developmental levels, and history. But they all followed the fascist or protofascist model in obtaining, expanding, and maintaining power. Further, all these regimes have been overthrown, so a more or less complete picture of their basic characteristics and abuses is possible.

Analysis of these seven regimes reveals fourteen common threads that link them in recognizable patterns of national behavior and abuse of power. These basic characteristics are more prevalent and intense in some regimes than in others, but they all share at least some level of similarity.

1. Powerful and continuing expressions of nationalism. From the prominent displays of flags and bunting to the ubiquitous lapel pins, the fervor to show patriotic nationalism, both on the part of the regime itself and of citizens caught up in its frenzy, was always obvious. Catchy slogans, pride in the military, and demands for unity were common themes in expressing this nationalism. It was usually coupled with a suspicion of things foreign that often bordered on xenophobia.

2. Disdain for the importance of human rights. The regimes themselves viewed human rights as of little value and a hindrance to realizing the objectives of the ruling elite. Through clever use of propaganda, the population was brought to accept these human rights abuses by marginalizing, even demonizing, those being targeted. When abuse was egregious, the tactic was to use secrecy, denial, and disinformation.

3. Identification of enemies/scapegoats as a unifying cause. The most significant common thread among these regimes was the use of scapegoating as a means to divert the people’s attention from other problems, to shift blame forfailures, and to channel frustration in controlled directions. The methods of choice—relentless propaganda and disinformation—were usually effective. Often the regimes would incite “spontaneous” acts against the target scapegoats, usually communists, socialists, liberals, Jews, ethnic and racial minorities, traditional national enemies, members of other religions, secularists, homosexuals, and“terrorists.” Active opponents of these regimes were inevitably labeled as terrorists and dealt with accordingly.

4. The supremacy of the military/avid militarism. Ruling elites always identified closely with the military and the industrial infrastructure that supported it. A disproportionate share of national resources was allocated to the military, even when domestic needs were acute. The military was seen as an expression of nationalism, and was used whenever possible to assert national goals, intimidate other nations, and increase the power and prestige of the ruling elite.

5. Rampant sexism. Beyond the simple fact that the political elite and the national culture were male-dominated, these regimes inevitably viewed women as second-class citizens. They were adamantly anti-abortion and also homophobic. These attitudes were usually codified in Draconian laws that enjoyed strong support by the orthodox religion of the country, thus lending the regime cover for its abuses.

6. A controlled mass media. Under some of the regimes, the mass media were under strict direct control and could be relied upon never to stray from the party line. Other regimes exercised more subtle power to ensure media orthodoxy. Methods included the control of licensing and access to resources, economic pressure, appeals to patriotism, and implied threats. The leaders of the mass media were often politically compatible with the power elite. The result was usually success in keeping the general public unaware of the regimes’ excesses.

7. Obsession with national security. Inevitably, a national security apparatus was under direct control of the ruling elite. It was usually an instrument of oppression, operating in secret and beyond any constraints. Its actions were justified under the rubric of protecting “national security,” and questioning its activities was portrayed as unpatriotic or even treasonous.

8. Religion and ruling elite tied together. Unlike communist regimes, the fascist and protofascist regimes were never proclaimed as godless by their opponents. In fact, most of the regimes attached themselves to the predominant religion of the country and chose to portray themselves as militant defenders of that religion. The fact that the ruling elite’s behavior was incompatible with the precepts of the religion was generally swept under the rug. Propaganda kept up the illusion that the ruling elites were defenders of the faith and opponents of the “godless.” A perception was manufactured that opposing the power elite was tantamount to an attack on religion.

9. Power of corporations protected. Although the personal life of ordinary citizens was under strict control, the ability of large corporations to operate in relative freedom was not compromised. The ruling elite saw the corporate structure as a way to not only ensure military production (in developed states), but also as an additional means of social control. Members of the economic elite were often pampered by the political elite to ensure a continued mutuality of interests, especially in the repression of “have-not” citizens.

10. Power of labor suppressed or eliminated. Since organized labor was seen as the one power center that could challenge the political hegemony of the ruling elite and its corporate allies, it was inevitably crushed or made powerless. The poor formed an underclass, viewed with suspicion or outright contempt. Under some regimes, being poor was considered akin to a vice.

11. Disdain and suppression of intellectuals and the arts. Intellectuals and the inherent freedom of ideas and expression associated with them were anathema to these regimes. Intellectual and academic freedom were considered subversive to national security and the patriotic ideal. Universities were tightly controlled; politically unreliable faculty harassed or eliminated. Unorthodox ideas or expressions of dissent were strongly attacked, silenced, or crushed. To these regimes, art and literature should serve the national interest or they had no right to exist.

12. Obsession with crime and punishment. Most of these regimes maintained Draconian systems of criminal justice with huge prison populations. The police were often glorified and had almost unchecked power, leading to rampant abuse. “Normal” and political crime were often merged into trumped-up criminal charges and sometimes used against political opponents of the regime. Fear, and hatred, of criminals or “traitors” was often promoted among the population as an excuse for more police power.

13. Rampant cronyism and corruption. Those in business circles and close to the power elite often used their position to enrich themselves. This corruption worked both ways; the power elite would receive financial gifts and property from the economic elite, who in turn would gain the benefit of government favoritism. Members of the power elite were in a position to obtain vast wealth from other sources as well: for example, by stealing national resources. With the national security apparatus under control and the media muzzled, this corruption was largely unconstrained and not well understood by the general population.

14. Fraudulent elections. Elections in the form of plebiscites or public opinion polls were usually bogus. When actual elections with candidates were held, they would usually be perverted by the power elite to get the desired result. Common methods included maintaining control of the election machinery, intimidating an disenfranchising opposition voters, destroying or disallowing legal votes, and, as a last resort, turning to a judiciary beholden to the power elite.

Does any of this ring alarm bells? Of course not. After all, this is America, officially a democracy with the rule of law, a constitution, a free press, honest elections, and a well-informed public constantly being put on guard against evils. Historical comparisons like these are just exercises in verbal gymnastics. Maybe, maybe not."

"When facism comes to America, it will be wrapped in the American flag." - Huey Long

Virgil Starkwell
Virgil Starkwell

Who said anything about Nazi? I am talking about Mussolini style corporatism, aka fascism. The conservative plan to privatize government and transfer the assets to the private sector is a fascist idea.

Don't be alarmed by the word. Be alarmed by the goals of Scott.

EyemNotFree
EyemNotFree

The people of Florida hate freedom and love to be enslaved rabbits for the medical mafia.

Virgil Starkwell
Virgil Starkwell

This is what happens when you elect a fascist. Too bad the tea bats never learned what that term means in school.

Chaz Stevens
Chaz Stevens

Come on now. He was really good as front man for the band Midnight Oil.

Bethany Wendel Veras
Bethany Wendel Veras

First he will destroy education and then the medical profession. Maybe we should all steal 2 billion from the govt.

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